Monday, 9 February 2015

Cancel the Land Ordinance

Friends, as you all know, to make the process of land acquisition easier the NDA government has made amendments to the 2013 legislation and introduced the Land Ordinance. The state has made two intentions clear with this step –
1.      That it has no respect for parliamentary processes
2.      That under the pretext of development, they grab land from farmers and hand them over to Indian and foreign corporations
Since independence people’s movements across the country have been waging struggles to demand equitable distribution of land, zamindari abolition, land to the tiller and land reforms on a large scale. This was in opposition to the 1894 Land Acquisition Act introduced by the British that does not give farmers and landowners the right to save their land. The basic underlying principle of this law was ‘eminent domain’ according to which the nation’s natural resources belong to the state. Although it is noteworthy that this colonial law implies that the state will take your land but in a way that recognises your land rights. Amendments were made from time to time to the legislation and in 1984 it was made applicable to private companies as well. This was vehemently opposed. The government relinquished its responsibility towards large numbers of people displaced by projects and was later forced to pay attention to rehabilitation and resettlement under pressure from people’s movements.
Friends, it was the pressure from people’s movements that compelled the state to consider introducing a new law for land acquisition, rehabilitation & resettlement and subsequently various drafts were presented. The UPA government in its first tenure attempted to draft two different laws but was unable to execute it. After this, the UPA government started the process of combining both the laws into one law in its second tenure. Because of the powerful intervention of people’s movements in the main draft of this legislation, the motives of the government were reined in. Eventually in 2013 the ‘Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act’ was introduced but it was only partially democratic in its processes.
A series of struggles by movements of the country resulted in the making of this law. It had provisions which could not sideline the interests of farmers and workers such as consent of landholders, social impact assessment, a limited time period for the project to begin after land acquisition, clearly outlined provisions for rehabilitation and resettlement, etc. The law was passed in January 2013 along with the dismissal of the colonial 1894 Act. It is remarkable that land has not been acquired even once for any project under this law and the NDA government in its short tenure of eight months has introduced an ordinance that is less of an amendment and more of a complete negation of the law. We are aware that the industry lobby was opposed to the 2013 Land Acquisition Act and it was the government’s single minded agenda to please them. By negating the important provisions that guarantee a democratic procedure, the ordinance is even more dangerous than the colonial law.
We are well aware of the forces at work here. Through slogans like ‘Make in India’ our current prime minister has made it amply clear to capitalists and foreign investors that not only is he willing to help them multiply their wealth by providing cheap labour and cheap land, but he will also bring in laws that remove any obstacles in the way of making unbridled profits. The alterations in the Land Acquisition Act through the ordinance route is a culmination of what he had declared to our NRI capitalists during his ‘show’ in America - that he will derive great pleasure in finishing the nation’s laws one by one.
The idea is to end any scope for democratic processes through the ordinance. The new government not only wants to make land acquisition easy for big projects but also wants to strategically handover vast tracts of land to private companies. This is evident from how the ordinance simplifies land acquisition for destructive projects such as industrial corridors and special economic zones. People’s movements have previously opposed environmentally damaging activities, raising questions about mega projects because of which many farmers and workers have been able to save their livelihood sources. If this ordinance receives the green signal in the Parliament, then people’s movements will be left with no choice and farmers, workers, fishworkers, artisans and small businessmen will be worst affected. Ensuring justice, minimum displacement and livelihood will no longer be possible if it is passed.
By excluding provisions such as social impact assessment, use of land in a limited period, 70-80% consent of landholders, participation of gram sabha and minimal acquisition of multi-crop land, the government has not only conspired to grab land but has also violated our basic rights as guaranteed by the constitution.
Friends, the pace at which this government is passing ordinances whether it be privatization of coal or foreign investment in insurance and defence sectors has broken the myth in people’s minds and caused much uncertainty. Introducing ordinances this way reveals the kind of vested interests under the influence of which the government is taking steps where it doesn’t have the courage to win people’s faith or the trust of the parliament. It is pressure from vigilant people’s movements regarding the ordinance that has resulted in the President of India asking the government not once but twice why they were hurriedly bringing in so many ordinances.
This government has lost its legitimacy in very little time. We understand the limitations of parliamentary democracy and are aware that it has to stay in power for the next five years which is dangerous exactly because we also understanding its intentions. The next five years are enough to establish an authoritarian system in the country. This government’s ultimate objective is to transfer the country’s natural resources into the hands of capitalists. Apart from this, the government has been preparing its own civil force by encouraging fringe elements that at opportune moments will foment hate and be used to repress peaceful, democratic movements. It is for this reason that the struggle is now two fold, where on the one hand we oppose the government’s tyrannical ordinances and on the other fight these fringe elements.
In such a situation we feel that the government has yet again brought the issue of land into the political arena and has reopened the pages of history. We must look upon this as an opportunity. If the government is bringing in a one sided law to acquire land then we too must try to establish our longstanding just and pro-people demands. Towards this, a national convention was organised by various people’s movements on 23-24 January in New Delhi. It was proposed that the time has come for social movements and mainstream political parties to come together and build a tough opposition to the ordinance. Following this, it was decided that movements from across the country, leftwing groups, socialist farmer movements and trade unions will together gherao the parliament on 24th February. The budget session will be in progress and it is during this time that the government will try to pass the ordinance in the Parliament.
The coming together of social movements, trade unions and political parties at such a time could be a highly effective strategy. Apart from this we will have to make many centres of resistance. This ordinance should be opposed at the district level and pressure must be mounted on the MPs from various constituencies to oppose the ordinance in the Parliament.
So friends, we request you all to join us in large numbers to oppose the land ordinance and pressurize this dictatorial government. We must convey the message that this country’s farmers, workers and working class have not yet become mute, are far more vigilant and are better prepared than the government to create meaningful development and a fair system that guarantees their rights.
The people of this country need peace and brotherhood. They believe in Gandhi’s principles of religious pluralism and not in Godse or some violent fringe elements. They want to realize the dream of an egalitarian India as envisioned by Ambedkar, Phule and Lohia. We have fought for such an India in the past and will continue to do so.
We will not let this ordinance be passed!

Saturday, 7 February 2015

संकल्प यात्रा – गाँधी के सपनों का भारत

संकल्प यात्रा – गाँधी के सपनों का भारत

30 जनवरी 2015, “माहत्मा गांधी के शहादत दिवस के अवसर पर” प्रातः 11 बजे भगतसिंह पार्क निकट आई. टी. ओ. पर देश भर से आए हुए किसान संगठनों के प्रतिनिधी, सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता, युवाक्रांती के नौजवान एकत्रित हुए जिनके हाथो मे भूमि अध्यादेश 2014 को समाप्त करो कि तख्तियां थी और कुछ के हाथों में ग्राम स्वराज लाओ देश बचाओ की तख्तियां थी |
ये सभी लोग आज पार्क मे एकत्रित होकर पदयात्रा करते हुए राजघाट जाने वाले थे कुछ कार्यकर्ता बाहर से आने थे तथा उनके इंतजार के वक्त पार्क मे सभा प्रारम्भ की गई | पार्क मे लगी भगत सिंह, सुखदेव, राजगुरु की मूर्तियों पर माल्यार्पण करने के बाद युवाक्रान्ति के सह-संयोजक हिमांशु के संचालन मे सभा प्रारम्भ की गई | सभा मे किसान नेता वी.एम.सिंह ने किसानो कि लूट का वर्णन करते हुए उसके विरुद्ध अपने कानूनी संघर्ष के संस्मरण बताए, और भूमि अध्यादेश को किसानों की समाप्ति कि उद्घोषणा बताया | समाजिक कार्यकर्ता श्रीमती अरुणा राय ने देश मे अधिगृहित जमीनों के कारण अपने गाँवो से बेदखल होने वाले किसानों की पुर्नवास समस्या का वर्णन किया और समझाया कि उक्त अध्यादेश के बाद तो किसानों कि और अधिक दुर्दशा हो जाएगी इस अवसर पर उपस्थित अपना समर्थन व्यक्त करने आए योगेंद्र यादव ने कहा की ये सरकार किसान विरोधी है और इसके राज मे किसानों की दुर्दशा अगर रोकनी है तो भूमि अध्यादेश के खिलाफ देशव्यापी संघर्ष खङा करना होगा | यह मुद्दा दल और संगठनों से उपर देश बचाने का है | डाँ राकेश रफीक ने कहा कि देश के नौजवान और किसान की एकजुटता मोदी सरकार के इस कदम पे उसे शिकस्त दे सकती है | हमें छोटे मोटे मतभेदों से उपर उठकर कार्य करना होगा | इस अवसर पर सी.पी.आई.ऍम.एल. की कविता कृष्णन, शेतकरी संगठन  के प्रतिनिधि, भारतीय किसान युनियन के हरपाल सिंह,
भारतीय भाषा अभियान के श्याम रूद्र पाठक, यू पी के राज्यमंत्री राकेश मौर्य सहित लगभग 500 युवा साथी और किसान भाई शामिल थे |
1 बजे शांती मार्च प्रारम्भ हुआ, कतार बद्ध सत्याग्रहियों का 1 मील का लम्बा काफिला भगत सिंह पार्क से राजघाट की ओर बढा | राजघाट पहुँचकर माहत्मा गाँधी की समाधी पर 15 मिनट का मौन रखा, उसके उपरांत गांधी के ग्राम स्वाराज के सपने को पूरा करने के लिए एक संकल्प पत्र द्वारा सभी लोगो ने बोलकर संकल्प लिया |
इसके बाद समाधि स्थल से बाहर निकलकर ट्रेन के कारण देरी से पहुँची मेधा पाठकर ने सभी सत्याग्राहियों को संबोधित करते हुए कहा इस वक्त सारे भारत के गाँव के समक्ष उक्त अध्यादेश एक चुनोती लेकर प्रस्तुत हुआ है हम सभी को संकल्पबद्ध होकर तन-मन-धन से देश के गाँवों को बचाने की लङाई लङनी है | अंत में सभी ने 24 फरवरी को जंतर मंतर पर एकात्रित होने के लिए अपने अपने क्षेत्रो मे प्रचार व व्यवस्था का दायित्व लिया |





The effects on the Japanese economy

       The effects on the Japanese economy, says Goodson, were dramatic:
The effects on the Japanese economy were dramatic. Once the shackles of usury had been removed, sustained improvement took place in the Japanese economy. During the 1931-41 period, manufacturing output and industrial production increased by 140% and 136% respectively, while national income and Gross National Product (GNP) were up by 241% and 259% respectively.  These remarkable increases exceeded by a wide margin the economic growth of the rest of the industrialized world. In the labor market unemployment declined from 5.3% in 1930 to 3.0% in 1938. Industrial disputes decreased with the number of stoppages down from 998 in 1931 to 159 in 1941. In 1932 the privately-owned Bank of Japan (Nippon Ginko) was reorganized as a state bank, administered exclusively for the accomplishment of national interests.. The reform was completed in 1942 with the Bank of Japan Law, which was modeled on the 1939 Reichsbank Act of Germany. Goodson writes: The bank was to assume the task of controlling currency and finance and supporting and promoting the credit system in conformity with policies of the state to ensure the full use of the nation’s potential.”..... The old principle of priority for commercial finance was abolished and instead the bank was empowered to oversee facilities for industrial finance. The bank was also authorized to make unlimited advances to the government without security, and to subscribe for and to absorb government bonds.
       Stephen M. Goodson, a former director of the South African Reserve Bank 2008: “The Real reason the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor.” He wrote that during the 1930s, Japan rapidly expanded its industrial production, while most of the rest of the world stagnated. By 1941, it had become the leading economic power in East Asia, and its exports were steadily replacing those of America and England. Goodson linked this feat to the 1929 lecture tour of Major C. H. Douglas: Douglas’s economic theory advocated the transfer of the money creation process from private banks, which create money out of nothing as an interest-bearing debt, to the state. This government created money he termed social credit. “ He also favored the payment of a basic income or national dividend to each citizen. This dividend would provide consumers with the additional buying power necessary to absorb all the current production of goods in a non-inflationary manner.  Both the Bank of Japan and the German Reichsbank with their systems of state creation of the money supply at zero interest – and the inevitability that those systems of finance would be replicated by other countries, in particular those of the proposed Greater East Asian Co-prosperity Sphere – posed such a serious threat to the private investors of the US Federal Reserve Bank, that a world war was deemed to be the only means of countering it. In July 1939 the United States unilaterally abrogated the Treaty of Commerce of 1911, thereby restricting Japan’s ability to import essential raw materials..... By means of the economic blokade, anoose was being placed around Japan’s neck.......After numerous diplomatic initiatives including the offer of a summit on August 8, 1941 had failed, Japan was forced into attacking America in order to maintain her prosperity and secure her existence as a sovereign state. After defeat japan could not have any military beyond defensive military forces. One of the first acts of the United States occupation forces in Japan in September 1945 was to restructure the Japanese banking system, so as to make it compliant with the norms of the international bankers i.e. usury. The unrestricted financing of the state by the Bank of Japan was abolished and the large industrial combines, the Zaibatsu, were dismantled.

It is] a war of financiers and fools, though most people, on the Allied side at any rate, do not yet see very clearly how financiers come into it.-----हास्टिंग्स रस्सल

जापान की टूटती अर्थव्यवस्था और पर्ल हार्बर पर हमला

       गुडसन ने कहा था की जापानीज़ अर्थव्यवस्था एक नाटकीय तरीके से प्रभवित हुई -

जापानीज अर्थव्यवस्था का प्रभवित होना एक नाटक था | जैसे ही सूदखोरी की हतकडी हटाई गई एक लगातार सुधार जापान की अर्थव्यवस्था में देखने को मिला | 1931 - 1941 के दौरान मैन्युफैक्चरिंग उत्पादन और औद्योगिक उत्पादन परस्पर 140% और 136% बढ़ गया, जबकि  नेशनल इनकम और जी. डी. पी. भी परस्पर 241% और 259% बढ़ गई | इस असाधारण वृद्धि के कारण औद्योगीकृत विश्व की अर्थव्यवस्था में एक जबरदस्त उछाल देखने को मिला | श्रम बाज़ार में बेरोजगारी घटी जोकि 1930  में 5.3% थी वही 1938  में 3% रह गई | उद्योग जगत के विवाद जहाँ 1931  में 998 थे वो घटकर 1941 में सिर्फ 159 रह गए | 1932  में जापान के एक निजी बैंक ( निप्पन गिन्को ) को स्टेट बैंक का दर्ज दिया गया क्यूंकि ये फैसला देश हित के लिए जरूरी था | 1942 में जापान के बैंक कानून में सुधार किया गया जोकि 1939  में जर्मनी  के रैचबैंक  कानून का भी आदर्श था | गुडसन लिखता है - बैंक का काम था राज्य की नीतियों का पालन करते हुए और देश की सभी संभावनाओं को पूरा इस्तेमाल करते हुए, मुद्रा और पूँजी को काबू में रखना और कर्ज आधारित व्यवस्था को सहायता करना व प्रचारित करना  | कमर्शियल फाइनेंस को महत्व देने वाला पुराना सिद्धांत ख़ारिज कर दिया गया जबकि विदेशी सुविधाएँ देते हुए बैंको को और मजबूत किया गया औद्योगिक फाइनेंस के लिए | बैंको को ये भी अधिकार दिए गए की वो सरकार को अनगिनत अग्रिम दे सकते हैं बिना किसी सुरक्षा के और सरकारी बांड्स के अवशोषण के |
       स्टेफन एम गुडसन ( भूतपूर्व निदेशक थे साउथ एशियन रिज़र्व बैंक 2008 ) - जापानीज द्वारा पर्ल हार्बर पर हमला करने का मुख्य कारण. उन्होंने लिखा की 1930 के दौरान जापान ने बहुत तेजी से अपने औद्योगिक उत्पादन का विस्तार किया जबकि लगभग शेष पूरा विश्व स्थिर था | 1941 तक वह पूर्वी एशिया में सबसे ताक़तवर आर्थिक शक्ति बनकर उभरा और अमेरिका व  इंग्लैंड की जगह वह निर्यातक बनने लगा | गुडसन इसे  मेजर सी एच डगलस के 1929  दौरे के भाषण से जोड़ते हैं | डगलस आर्थिक सिद्धांत निजी बैंक्स के द्वारा पैसे हस्तांतरण की प्रक्रिया के बारे में कहता है की ये राज्य को दिए गए कर्ज के ब्याज से पैसा बनाता है न कि किसी और से | यह सरकार पैसा बनाती है जिसे उसने सामाजिक क्रेडिट कहा है | वह कहता है की बुनियादी आय और नेशनल लाभांश हर व्यक्ति से जुड़ा हुआ है | यह लाभांश उपभोक्ताओं को अतिरिक्त क्रय शक्ति देगा तात्कालिक वस्तुओ के उत्पादन की खपत करने में बिना महंगाई बढे | दोनों बैक ऑफ़ जापान और जर्मन रैचबैंक ने अपने राज्य के द्वारा ब्याज रहित पैसा जारी करने की व्यवस्था अपनाई ओर इसी पूँजी व्यवस्था को अन्य देशों द्वारा भी लागु करने से जिस कदर पूर्वी देशों की समर्धता बढ़ी यह अमेरिकन फेडरल रिज़र्व बैंक के निजी निवेशकों के लिए चिंता का विष्य बन गई ओर इसको रोकने के लिए उनके पास विश्व युद्ध के अलावा कोई चारा नहीं बचा था | जुलाई १९३९ में अमेरिका ने १९११ के वानिजियक समझोते को ठुकरा दिया और उन्होंने जापान के लिए जरुरी कच्चे माल को प्रतिबंधित कर दिया | इस तरह से उनकी आर्थिक व्यवस्था हिली ओर यह उसके लिए गले का फंदा बन गया | लगातार कई डिप्लोमेटिक कोशिशों के बावजूद यहाँ तक की ८ अगस्त १९४१ की मीटिंग भी पूर्णतया फेल हो गई और जापान मजबूर हो गया अमेरिका पे हमला करने के लिए अपनी समर्धता को बनाये रखने ओर अपने देश को मजबूती से खड़े रखने के लिए | जापान के हारने के बाद उसके पास रक्षात्मक बालों के परे कोई बल नहीं था | सितम्बर १९४५ में अमेरिका की ओर से सबसे पहला कानून जापान के ऊपर लादा गया उसके बैंकिंग सिस्टम को पुनर्निर्मित करने वाला | अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय बैंकर्स के मानक के अनुरूप उनके सूदखोरी की शिकायत दर्ज की गई | सबसे पहले उन्होंने उनके राज्य द्वारा चलाई जा रही पूँजी व्यवस्था को ख़त्म किया और वहां का बड़ा ओद्योगिक गुट ज़ाइबत्सू को धवस्त कर दिया गया |

हास्टिंग्स रस्सल =- यह युद्ध वित्त्दाताओं और मूर्खों का है और अपने मित्र किसी भी कीमत पर अभी तक भी यह नहीं देख पा रहे हैं की वित्तदाता कैसे खेल खेल रहें हैं |